Why Ghana Hasn’t Caught The ECOWAS Coup Flu

Ghana is nestled among countries whose democracies have either been disrupted by coups or undemocratic authorities. The Anglophone country of 31 million people, is bordered to the north by Burkina Faso, one of the three AES countries led by juntas. The other two – Mali and Niger – share borders with Burkina Faso. The three landlocked countries sit atop Ghana, which has clocked 32 years of democratic practice since the Fourth Republic Constitution came into effect in 1992. Ghana has its chequered past of coups and constitutional rule, but for the past three decades, it has been a bulwark of democracy in the sub-region.

Ghana’s First Putsch

As the first African nation to gain independence from colonial rule, Ghana experienced intermittent military coups throughout its history. These coups have shaped the political landscape and had significant impacts on the country’s governance and development. The first coup was in 1966, which overthrew Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, who led the new independent nation from 1957. Ghana became a republic in 1960. Nkrumah, a charismatic leader, pursued socialist policies and sought to position Ghana as a leader in the Pan-African movement. However, he was accused by his opponents at the time of being authoritarian. Coupled with this allegation, economic challenges led to widespread dissatisfaction, which, in turn, led to the first post-independent coup on 24 February 1966. It was led by Lieutenant Colonel Emmanuel Kwasi Kotoka and Major Akwasi Amankwaa Afrifa. While Nkrumah was on a state visit to North Vietnam and China, the military and police, under the National Liberation Council (NLC), seized power. They accused Nkrumah of corruption, economic mismanagement, and undermining democracy. The NLC ruled Ghana until 1969, focusing on economic stabilisation and reversing many of Nkrumah’s socialist policies. They organised elections, leading to the return of civilian rule.

The 1972 coup

The civilian government led by Prime Minister Kofi Abrefa Busia, which took over after the NLC, struggled with economic difficulties and allegations of corruption. On 13 January 1972, Colonel Ignatius Kutu Acheampong’s National Redemption Council (NRC) overthrew Busia’s government, citing economic mismanagement and corruption. Acheampong’s regime implemented various economic reforms, including the “Operation Feed Yourself” programme. The NRC later evolved into the Supreme Military Council (SMC).

The 1978 coup

By the late 1970s, dissatisfaction with Acheampong’s rule grew due to economic difficulties and accusations of corruption. On 5 July 1978, Lieutenant General Fred Akuffo led a palace coup against Acheampong, promising to restore civilian rule. Akuffo’s government, the SMC II, faced similar economic challenges and public discontent.

The Two Coups Of 1979

Persistent economic problems and dissatisfaction with military rule led to growing unrest. On 15 May 1979, a young Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings attempted a coup but was arrested, court marshalled and imprisoned. On 4 June 1979, however, Rawlings, after being freed by some junior officers, successfully led a coup, citing corruption and economic mismanagement. The Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) took over. The AFRC led a series of “house-cleaning” exercises, executing several senior military officers, including former heads of state. Rawlings handed over power to a civilian government led by President Hilla Limann after elections later in 1979.

The last coup to end all coups (1981) – the return of Rawlings and transition to democratic governance

The Limann administration, despite efforts to address economic issues, faced significant challenges and public dissatisfaction. On 31 December 1981, Rawlings led another coup, accusing the Limann government of incompetence and corruption. He established the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC). Rawlings ruled as the head of the PNDC, implementing radical economic reforms and transitioning from a socialist to a more market-oriented economy. In 1992, he transitioned to democratic rule, founding the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and winning two consecutive presidential elections.

The Fourth Republic

Since the return to democratic rule in 1992, Ghana has enjoyed relative political stability and is often cited as a model for democratic governance in Africa. For instance, Ambassador Dr Abdel-Fatau Musah, Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security of the Economic Community for West African States (ECOWAS), while delivering a lecture as the guest speaker of the Council on Foreign Relations-Ghana’s fifth-anniversary lecture series at the Accra International Conference Centre on Friday, 15 March 2024, on the theme: ‘ECOWAS at the crossroads: Emerging threats, challenges, and the way forward’, said Ghana’s democracy has matured to the point that one never hears any third-term talk. “In Ghana, you will never ever hear the talk about a third term agenda. It is not on the cards at all. It is off the table in Ghana’s political discourse.”

Ghana’s current President, Nana Akufo-Addo, leaves office in January next year after the 7 December 2024 general elections. His government is the fifth in Ghana’s 32-year Fourth Republican dispensation under the 1992 Constitution. He served his first four-year term from 2017 – 2020. His second term ends on 7 January 2025. Mr Akufo-Addo’s government was immediately preceded by the John Mahama administration (One term: from 2012 – 2016), which was preceded by Professor John Evans Atta Mills administration (One term: from 2009 – 2012). The last seven months of the Mills administration was inherited by Mr Mahama, who served as President Mills’ Vice President before the Professor died in mid-2012. The Mills government was also preceded by the John Agyekum Kufuor administration (Two terms: From 2001 – 2004; and 2005 – 2008), which came in after the Jerry John Rawlings administration (Two terms: From 1993 to 1996; and 1997 – 2000).

None of these leaders ever hesitated to leave office after they were voted out or ran out of term, since the Constitution has a two-term limit. Additionally, none of them ever tried manipulating or amending the 1992 Constitution to perpetuate themselves in power. This tradition of peaceful transitions has become commonplace in Ghana’s democracy, a streak which Mr Akufo-Addo has promised never to break.

In 2021, for example, just a year after he was sworn in for his second four-year term, President Akufo-Addo promised that he will exit office when his tenure is over without seeking to change the Constitution to run for another term.

Speaking at the Kofi Annan Peace and Security Forum on Wednesday, 8 December 2021, Mr Akufo-Addo said: “As president of the Republic of Ghana and current Chair of the Authority of ECOWAS States in governance, I pledge to continue to respect the tenets of the ECOWAS protocol on democracy and good governance. I will not make or cause to be made any substantial modification to electoral laws in the last six months before the next election”, he pledged, adding: “I will respect the two-term limit for the exercise of presidential authority as stipulated in the Constitution of the Republic of Ghana”.

Mr Akufo-Addo also vowed that he will “not be an impediment to the conduct of free, fair and transparent elections”, and vowed to hand over to his elected successor. “I will hand over power to the next elected president on 7th January 2025, and I will rally my fellow ECOWAS heads of state to take the pledge and support them as they continue to work towards democracy and good governance in their respective  countries.”

A stickler for democracy, Mr Akufo-Addo said: “I am, indeed, pleased to reaffirm before you, my unshakable belief in the principles of democratic accountability, which constitutes the basis of good governance in our member states”.

Amid coups, Ghana’s democracy flourishes – Why?

Ghana has been able to remain democratic despite the coup turmoil surrounding it because the country’s leaders, over these past 32 years, have demonstrated their commitment to democracy. Ghana has not succumbed to coups in the past three decades as a result of the following:

Politicians across the divide denounce coup tendencies

Apart from the current president, the main opposition leader, Mr John Mahama, has, on several occasions, stated in clear terms that a coup was a no-go area. In October 2023, for example, Mr Mahama said even though President Nana Akufo-Addo has messed up Ghana, a coup was not an alternative. Addressing the Conference of Regional Imams of Ghana at the 3rd National Conference of Imams in Kumasi, Mr. Mahama said: “We told NPP the path they were taking was dangerous but our advice fell on deaf ears”, adding: “That is the reason we are where we are today and we are all facing the challenges”. “So, we all have to help out and get out of this mess. But we would have to adhere to constitutional governance so that we are not swayed by the alternative of coups”, ClassFMonline.com quoted Mr Mahama as having said.

“We should know that no matter the hardship, there will be the opportunity for an election for different people to be elected”, he encouraged. “It is only left with a year for us to say goodbye to some people and welcome others who can fix the economy”, the flagbearer of the National Democratic Congress said. “So, let’s continue respecting the Constitution. We should never think of coups and everything will be fine”, he stated.

Free media/freedom of expression

Apart from the anti-coup rhetoric of political leaders across the aisle, Ghana has a very enabling environment for media pluralism. There are hundreds of private media houses (radio, TV, print and digital) in Ghana whose operations are protected by the Constitution itself. While some are pro-government, others are pro-opposition. Unlike in other neighbouring countries such as junta-led Burkina Faso where journalists operate in fear and have no freedom to express themselves, there are absolutely no inhibitions to freedom of speech in Ghana’s media landscape. Critics of the government are able to freely criticise the administration without fear of intimidation or midnight knocks at their doors. On a daily basis, the front pages and airwaves of opposition newspapers, TV and radio stations are awash with critical stories and commentary about the government without any harassment from the powers that be. The government is also able to have its say though its official mouthpieces. Ghanaians have realised that it is better to express their view through the media than the barrel of the gun.

Active civil society organisations/pressure groups

Along with freedom of expression has come a plethora of civil society organisations who are very active in the political space. The CSOs are always putting the government of the day on its toes. They scrutinise parliamentary deals, loans and agreements and point out flaws and errors. They critique government policies and call out corruption avenues when they spot them. They give credit where it is due but also present alternatives which may have escaped the lenses of the authorities. While some are perceived as independent, others are also seen as being bankrolled by the political parties or leaning towards the ideology of one party or the other. Irrespective of where they get their funding from and in whose interest they operate, these CSOs and pressure groups have contributed in no small way to entrenching the country’s democracy.

Strong state institutions

On 11 July 2009, former US President Barack Obama told the whole of Africa, during his state visit to Ghana that the continent doesn’t need strong men but rather, strong institutions to nourish its democracy and develop.

“In the 21st century, capable, reliable, and transparent institutions are the key to success – strong parliaments, honest police forces, independent judges, an independent press, a vibrant private sector, a civil society. Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in people’s everyday lives,” Mr Obama told Ghana’s parliament.

Attesting to Ghana’s democratic credentials, Mr Obama observed: “Now, time and again, Ghanaians have chosen constitutional rule over autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously – the fact that President Mills’ opponents were standing beside him last night to greet me when I came off the plane spoke volumes about Ghana – [and] victors  who resist calls to wield power against the opposition in unfair ways. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage, and participating in the political process. Across Africa, we’ve seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny, and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop post-election violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three-quarters of the country voted in the recent election – the fourth since the end of Apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person’s vote is their sacred right. Now, make no mistake: History is on the side of these brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions”.

Institutions like the armed forces, police, electoral commission, judiciary, parliament, human rights commission, anti-corruption agencies, among others, have been strong defenders of democracy and denouncers of coups.

Multipartyism

Both in principle and practice, none of the governments of the Fourth Republic has made any attempt to stifle multipartyism. Right from the Rawlings era to the Akufo-Addo administration, the government of the day has always allowed opposition parties to operate without hindrance. This is not the case in neighbouring countries like Mali, which in April this year, banned all political activities under the guise of that move being in the interest of maintaining law and order. As a matter of fact, Ghana’s electoral commission registers and issues licences to many new political parties in every election year. As a result, Ghana has several political parties, some of which are even dormant and whose names are not known to even the most updated journalist or political pundit.    But above all these, Ghanaians have, perhaps, realised that the dividends of democracy far outweigh any perceived advantages of a coup. Having experienced the gory consequences of coups in the past and witnessing a repeat of those atrocities and restrictions of freedoms in neighbouring junta-led countries, Ghanaians see that despite whatever excesses multiparty democracy may have, a coup would be way too costly for life, property, peace of mind, growth and development. They would rather have a flawed democratic system than a ‘perfect’ coup regime – if such ever existed.